I foråret 2013 skruede Nigerias militær op for kampen mod den ekstremistiske Boko Haram-gruppe, der bl.a. kæmper for indførelse af sharia-lov i det nordlige del af landet. Men på trods af en brutal indsats er det ikke lykkes at knække gruppen.
ABUJA, 19 February 2014 (IRIN): Hoping to snuff out Boko Haram, Nigerian forces launched a crackdown in May 2013, swooping into towns, rounding up hundreds of youths and strafing suspected hideouts of the militia, who, despite being pushed back, continue to torment civilians and target security forces.
In the latest attack on 15 February, more than a hundred people were killed in the northeastern Borno State by suspected Boko Haram gunmen.
But over the course of its crackdown, the military has been accused by rights groups of indiscriminate arrests and killings, causing disappearances, and engaging in other forms of brutality.
During the military operation – which saw a state of emergency decreed in the northeastern states of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa – markets, homes and prayer sessions were raided. Men, and at times boys, were arrested, piled up on top of each other in trucks and whisked into detention , where they were held for a long time without trial.
“Many were never seen again,” Mausi Segun, Human Rights Watch’s (HRW) researcher for Nigeria, told IRIN.
Both Boko Haram’s attacks and the military’s tactics have hemmed in civilians, and vigilante groups have emerged to fight the insurgents and cooperate with the security forces.
Not addressing root causes
But deploying forces alone without a wider strategy to tackle the causes of the militancy will only perpetuate the insurgency, say analysts.
“Brute force and military crackdown against insurgents will not work,” said Michael Olufemi Sodipo, founder of the Kano-based Peace Initiative Network. “Intelligence-driven operations will be the key. The quest for a lasting solution to the crisis must begin with an understanding of the root causes and the ideological motivations for youth participation in [the] violent radical campaign.
“Violent responses may temporarily quell the revolt, but it will more likely than not just produce variants of the group,” Sodipo explained.
The movement came to prominence in the early 2000s, advocating for the implementation of Islamic law in northern Nigeria. The group was motivated by grievances over the perceived marginalization of their northern homeland, corruption among the ruling class and an ideology that sees Western lifestyles as sinful.
As its influence grew and its ranks swelled, it became a local security threat. Some observers also point to a political fall-out between its founder, Mohammed Yusuf, and local authorities as a trigger for the police crackdown.
Since Yusuf’s killing by security forces in 2009, Boko Haram has grown more violent. The group is suspected of having links with Al-Qaeda-inspired movements such as the Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), and its attacks have grown more sophisticated, evolving from machetes, clubs and handguns to bombs.
In September 2013, it carried out the worst attack in years, killing more than 140 people in a single ambush in Borno State. Dozens of armed gunmen blocked a highway and slaughtered civilians. The group also claimed responsibility for the abduction of foreigners in neighbouring Cameroon.
A heavy police clampdown in 2009 brought about a brief lull in Boko Haram’s activities until December 2010, when current leader Abubakar Shekau returned and unleashed a spate of attacks.
The group’s assaults on police stations, army bases and other government sites are often seen as revenge for Yusuf’s death. But the movement – an appellation that has been questioned due to doubts over Boko Haram’s cohesiveness – has also become cover for criminal activities.
Peace bids
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